By Bhowmick D., Davison A.C.
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7 percent in 2007—though it remained low compared to international standards (PREAL 2003; PREAL and CIEN 2008). By the late 1990s, meeting the needs of marginal communities was a higher priority for Honduran and Guatemalan ofﬁcials than it had been before. International development aid, more forthcoming once each country adopted more democratic institutions, also enabled both governments to expand education coverage. Both the Guatemala peace process (culminating in the 1996 Peace Accords) and the devastation following Hurricane Mitch (1998) led to increased international development aid commitments in Guatemala and Honduras, respectively, and enabled PRONADE and PROHECO to expand far beyond initial plans.
Nevertheless, theory and evidence suggest that, under certain design conditions, PG can actually produce positive spillover effects even in unexpected sociopolitical contexts—including brown areas. To assess these spillover outcomes, we distributed a questionnaire to 1,252 parents from 275 CMS in rural communities throughout all of Honduras and to 819 parents participating in 150 CMS in the very poor, indigenous state of Alta Verapaz, Guatemala. We supplemented this quantitative data with 320 semi-structured interviews derived from ﬁeld research in both countries.
Even after democratic transitions in both countries, rural citizens remain disadvantaged (and disillusioned) by a system of political competition controlled mostly by powerful men. Rural citizens continue to face 46 Spillover Effects sharp constraints on their individual capacity to participate in, lead, and/or form community organizations. Conservative gender norms also restrict female participation. Where organizations do exist, they face domination by the state or party networks. Potentially powerful intercommunity alliances are rare, due to classic collective action problems such as barriers to communication and transportation.